On May 15 1970 the founding president of Botswana, the late Seretse Khama said “a nation without a past is a lost nation, and a people without a past are a people without a soul.” That statement is as true today as it was then.
Those who record and tell the past should do so truthfully – telling the past as it was, without sugarcoating or soiling the facts. It has become fashionable today that most Namibians are hell-bent on twisting facts about the past to suit their own selfish interests, while vilifying others in the process. History must be told as it is, not as we want it to be.
Notwithstanding how demeaning name-calling and ridiculing of other tribes and personalities were during the days of exile, it has once again reared its ugly face in our midst. In addition to calling fellow comrades Mbwela, Kwangala, hibernators, stupid Wambos, etc, the exile political games of hurling accusations of subversion, subterfuge, espionage, third force, involvement with Shipanga’s rebellion, etc. have resurfaced.
Not too long ago, some unnamed Swapo senior leaders accused Comrade Netumbo-Nandi-Ndaitwah of being part and parcel of the Shipanga rebellion in 1976. Such unfounded accusations are not only meant to tarnish Comrade Nandi-Ndaitwah’s political standing, but have a great bearing on the recording of our history. As a matter of fact, at the time of what is known as the Shipanga rebellion, she was studying at the High Komsomol School in the USSR, where she enrolled in 1975.
Secondly, she was not sent there by Shipanga, who was at the time the Swapo secretary for information. On her return in 1976, she was appointed deputy Swapo chief representative in Zambia, while all those accused of being part of the rebellion were being rounded up and detained in prisons in Mboroma in Kabwe, Zambia and in Keko and Ukonga in Tanzania.
Some leaders have gone even further to equate the campaign by the Affirmative Repositioning (AR) group with the 1976 Oshatotwa activities. Similarly, this comparison is not fair to the AR, whose legitimate campaign is national in nature and devoid of any party political linkages.
The 1976 youth were mainly, but not only, those who had just returned from military training in the USSR and Kongwa around May and June 1976 and their demands included the supply of more and better arms, ammunition, military uniforms, food and medicine, the immediate severance of Swapo’s relationship with UNITA, a new constitution and the holding of Swapo congress that was long overdue.
There is no denying that some of us who were at the time stationed in Detachments A, B, C and Morning Star were poorly-armed, with mainly the PPD (Pistolet-Pulemyot Degtyaryova) and PPSh-41 (Pistolet-Pulemyot Shpagina), commonly called Pepesha by PLAN fighters, which were only suitable for close quarters combat, unlike the AK47 or AK49.
Without dwelling much on the motives or justification of those demands and the methods used, it is important to note that the activities of 1976 in Oshatotwa resulted in a massacre of more than 200 defenseless Namibians on July 11 ,1976 by South African soldiers.
Whether this was coincidental is subject to further investigation. What is true though is that the attackers had detailed inside information about the geographical layout of Oshatotwa, including the daily activities in the camp. This could only have been possible if some within the camp had collaborated with the South African army and provided them with information about the camp.
Was Shipanga responsible for that? Were the 1976 youths responsible for that, or was it someone else wishing to deflect attention from a potential crisis?
There will always be varying accounts in the recording of what truly transpired during 1976. Similarly, there are varying accounts about the mud-slinging taking place now in our midst – including the existence of “a third force” in Swapo. What boggles the mind is why the members of the third force are not exposed and banished from the ranks of the party?
Are they imaginary or real? Those intent on destroying the party should be dealt with without exception. Selective justice only serves to destroy rather than consolidate unity. The scars of victims of false accusations and vilification during exile days are still very fresh and it will be a disservice to the goals of nation-building if we start resorting to character assassination.
Every liberation struggle has had traitors. Unfortunately, the real traitors usually become the heroes and the innocent are often portrayed as traitors – at most times without irrefutable proof of their treachery. Our struggle was not an exception to this.
We are unfortunately in the era of what political scientists would refer to as McCarthyism. This is the practice of making accusations of subversion or treason without proper regard for evidence. It is also the practice of making unfair allegations or using unfair investigative techniques, especially in order to restrict dissent or political criticism. We are not the first nation, and might not be the last, to practice McCarthyism.
This practice is reckless and thrives on unsubstantiated accusations, as well as demagogic attacks on the character or patriotism of political adversaries. It has become synonymous with reckless opportunism, cruel and baseless accusation, and coercive bullying.
* Dr. Charles Mubita holds a PhD in International Relations from the University of Southern California.