New Era reporter Loide Jason recently sat down with Independent Patriots for Change (IPC) spokesperson Imms Nashinge to discuss his upbringing, his transition from a media practitioner to engaging in active politics, and his views on recent political events.
LJ: Can you tell us a bit about yourself — who Imms Nashinge is? Can you also share how your upbringing shaped the person you are today?
IN: I’m a proud Namibian, who was born in the village of Onandjamba in the Omusati region, 41 years ago. I did my primary education there before moving to Oshikoto region to live with my uncle. That’s why I speak fluent Oshindonga, alongside my mother tongue. Later, I moved to Windhoek and completed my secondary education at Concordia College.
One of my most memorable moments was in 1993 when I met Namibia’s founding president, Dr Sam Nujoma. I even got the chance to get into his helicopter — a moment I will never forget. After high school, I pursued a diploma in media studies at the College of the Arts, which opened the doors for me into the media world. I started my first job at The Namibian newspaper in 2007. From there, the journey just took off, leading me into both media and politics.
LJ: How did your education, contribute to your role as a media practitioner and a politician?
IN: My education played a significant role. My love for history and politics started early, and media studies helped solidify that foundation. I’ve always been interested in political issues, and growing up, I used to read Time Magazine from a young age. Being in the media allowed me to engage with Namibia’s political scene and understand the broader workings of governance, state-owned enterprises, and public policy.
Working in media also exposed me to key national issues, from musicians to high-profile political events, which enhanced my understanding of Namibia’s diversity and political landscape. This experience helped shape my social consciousness and professional life, eventually leading to my involvement in politics.
LJ: Balancing a demanding professional and political life must be challenging. How has your family supported you through it all?
IN: It has been tough but rewarding. My wife and my three children have been incredibly supportive. Even when things get hectic, my family stands by me. They understand the demands of my career, and that has been a great source of strength for me. My wife, though not politically active, has grown to understand my commitments. Even when the media sometimes paints a negative picture of me, my family has been there to support and encourage me. It means the world to me.
LJ: That’s wonderful. As a media practitioner and employee of MICT, what’s your view on the state of press freedom in Namibia?
IN: I’m proud of Namibia’s progress in press freedom. Despite a few challenges, we must recognise that our journalists are free to report on any issue without fear of imprisonment or severe repercussions, unlike in many other countries. However, there is room for improvement, especially in terms of professionalism. Journalists need to be more conscious of the diversity in our country and report stories in a way that is responsible and respects our people. We should take pride in our progress while working to maintain a high standard of ethical journalism.
LJ: Recently, the President signed a law allowing civil servants to run for political office without resigning their jobs. What are your thoughts on this change?
IN: It was long overdue, and I don’t know why it took so long. Our Constitution grants every Namibian the right to participate in political activities, and this change finally aligns with that. For years, the system only seemed to benefit those in power, particularly the ruling party. I’m glad it has been rectified because now, capable Namibians can freely participate in politics without fearing for their livelihoods. It levels up the playing field, allowing more people to engage in politics.
LJ: You hold leadership positions both as a civil servant and within IPC. How do you manage to balance these roles without conflict?
IN: It’s all about discipline and understanding my responsibilities. I’ve been involved in politics since my days at high school, so I’ve learned how to separate my professional life from my political commitments. Both roles require me to act within the boundaries of the law and to respect the rights of others. Managing these two roles is not easy, but I have learnt to navigate them through careful planning and a deep sense of duty to my country.
LJ: As IPC’s nat ional spokesperson, what sets your party’s communication strategy apart from that of others?
IN: Our strategy is rooted in respect, patriotism, and a commitment to positive change. We focus on uniting Namibians, regardless of their background, and we avoid divisive or inflammatory rhetoric. Respect for all people is at the heart of what we do. We also work from grassroots level, ensuring that our communication is clear and accessible to everyone. Our goal is to engage citizens in a way that promotes unity and focuses on the future of Namibia.
LJ: IPC launched its campaign in 2022 with a ‘village-to-village’ approach, which must be a resource-heavy strategy. What have you learnt from this, and how has it impacted your resources?
IN: It’s been quite an experience. The village-to-village approach has allowed us to directly engage people on the ground and understand their needs first-hand. While it’s expensive, the impact is invaluable. We’ve gained the trust of communities, and we have been able to connect with Namibians in a way that other strategies would not allow us. Financially, it’s challenging, but the relationships and insights we have gained make it all worthwhile.
The reality is that our education system is fundamentally flawed. We’re not even taught how to apply logic at school. For example, if I go outside right now and write a note saying that an elephant gave birth at State House this morning, a portion of society might believe it, and some might even think we should pray or that something is wrong. This is indicative of how critical thinking is lacking in our education system.
Meanwhile, when we come to political rallies, people are packed in trucks like bricks or goats, taken to hear the same lies from the ruling party, interspersed with music and food. And that’s it. These people never get the opportunity to ask important questions, like, “What do we do with the graduates we have sent to universities?” That’s a question you can’t even ask at such rallies. So, while rallies are effective in gathering crowds, they don’t change mindsets or foster understanding.
We have spoken to people across the country, and their mentality hasn’t shifted. So whether we hold rallies or not, it makes no difference. This is not a priority because rallies don’t genuinely engage people. They’re coerced into attending, given free food, and free T-shirts, but the crucial questions remain unanswered.
LJ: Some people say IPC is not holding rallies because your crowds might have diminished from what they were in 2019. Is that true?
IN: We will surprise many people. If you recall, we set phases from 21 March, 2022, with specific plans for different periods. We have been consistent with that, and we are satisfied with our progress. As of August, we registered 460 active members. Across the regions, from Arandis to other constituencies, our leaders are engaging people daily. And yes, a few members left to rejoin the ruling party, but that’s only six people. In contrast, just last Friday, we recruited 300 new members in Khomas alone.
We’re also the first political party in Namibia to remove a regional councillor. Despite the doom and gloom predictions, we’ve made significant gains. Those who left were not ready for change, and we replaced them many times over. Take the former councillor of Onayena, for example — we removed him 18 months ago, but now they are reporting that he left us recently, which is untrue.
LJ: There are allegations that your party is funded from foreign countries. How do you respond to that?
IN: We operate strictly within the law, be it electoral or constitutional law. The Electoral Commission of Namibia clearly outlines how much funding can come from outside and inside the country. If we were funded by foreigners, where is the evidence? Where’s the account information? I can tell you now, from day one, we haven’t received a single dollar from outside Namibia. Every penny has come from our people to support our activities, including registering councillors and participating in elections.
LJ: So how did you acquire all those vehicles if you didn’t receive outside funding?
IN: People love to exaggerate. We have 16 vehicles, and they are all being rented. We don’t own them. The media reported we had over 100 cars, but that’s pure fabrication. The reality is that we have proud Namibians who are fed up with how things are being run in this country, and who are supporting us because they want change.
LJ: And how are you managing paying for these rented vehicles? Is it on a monthly basis?
IN: That’s between us and the service provider. The payment arrangement could be daily, monthly, or yearly. But we have Namibians who care about how this country is managed. When you see news about a minister avoiding prosecution because the person they were involved with is deceased, it reflects the kind of mismanagement we are fighting against.
LJ : You have spoken passionately about the need for good governance and the challenges facing local authorities, particularly those under opposition control. Can you expand on how the current political climate has affected IPC’s role in local governments, especially where the party holds significant influence?
IN: As I have mentioned before, having seats in local authorities doesn’t mean we’re operating in isolation. Local authorities are still under the Ministry of Urban and Rural Development, which is overseen by a Swapo minister, Erastus Uutoni. That ministry holds a lot of power, and even when our councillors try to push forward progressive initiatives, the ministry still has the final say. This has been one of the biggest obstacles.
For example, we secured investment in some regions for major infrastructure projects, but approval for these projects was delayed by the ministry for over a year. This kind of bureaucratic inefficiency holds back progress, not just for IPC followers, but for all Namibians. It’s hard to advance our agenda when our hands are tied by a system that is resistant to change.
LJ: So are you saying the ministry is deliberately slowing down development in opposition-led regions?
IN: Absolutely. We’ve seen it across the board. Take the example of LPM’s case in Karasburg. The minister interfered there, yet remained silent when chaos erupted in Swapo-led councils. This kind of selective intervention creates an uneven playing field. Even when our councillors in places like Walvis Bay want to push for land reforms or infrastructure development, there’s resistance from those higher up, often motivated by political bias rather than the needs of the people.
LJ: That’s quite revealing. Given this resistance, what has IPC been able to achieve in these regions despite the roadblocks?
IN: We’ve managed to push forward where we can. In some regions, we’ve introduced measures to improve local infrastructure and services. But our main success has been showing the people we are serious about transparency and good governance. Despite all the challenges, we remain committed to ensuring that our people receive the best services possible, even when we are blocked at every turn by central government forces.
LJ: Despite the opposition parties removing Swapo from Windhoek in 2020, it seems there has been a lack of consensus among opposition parties. Why do you think this happened, and what lessons have been learnt from this failure?
IN: Not all opposition parties have the same priorities. For some, maintaining the status quo is enough as long as they hold onto their positions of power. IPC has been more aggressive in trying to bring about real change, and that hasn’t sat well with everyone. Our councillors, for example, have been vocal about the financial mismanagement in the City of Windhoek. They exposed how broke the city was, but we didn’t see the city coming forward to dispute it with concrete evidence. Corruption runs deep in our city, and that’s a major issue we’ve been fighting. Unfortunately, some of our colleagues from other opposition parties weren’t willing to confront this. Instead, they collaborated with Swapo to remove our councillors, undermining the efforts we made to bring about genuine reforms.
LJ: That sounds like a real challenge. What lessons has IPC learnt from this?
IN: We have learnt that not everyone is on the same page when it comes to real change. The battle for transparency and good governance is not just with Swapo but sometimes within the opposition parties themselves. But we remain steadfast. The lesson for us is to be clear about who we can align with and to remain transparent with the people about what is happening behind the scenes. We have to continue pushing for what is right, regardless of the setbacks.
It’s important to understand the structure. The local authority councillors are limited in what they can do. They don’t manage the operational activities of the town. That’s up to the municipal staff, including the chief executive officers and technical managers. The tender processes to fix roads, for example, take months. And in some cases, there’s deliberate delay by corrupt officials trying to ensure the contracts go to their cronies.
People need to understand that these delays are not because IPC councillors do not care or aren’t doing their jobs. The reality is that there’s a lot of red tape, and we’re doing our best to cut through it.
Our future depends on our ability to stay true to our values. We are not here to play politics as usual; we want real change. We will continue fighting for transparency, good governance, and the betterment of all Namibians. Despite the challenges, we remain committed to the people and to creating a better Namibia.
So, as I was saying, the dynamics in the City of Windhoek are very worrisome. They require a serious reset, political will, and leadership with the vision to realise that the time for change has come. The push-and-pull dynamics there stem from personal interests. For example, some individuals had land deals and promises tied to certain outcomes — do A, B, C and D, and you’ll receive this or that. They fought hard to create the impression that certain councillors were not doing their work, just to ensure their interests were prioritised. That’s essentially what happened.
LJ: What have you learnt from this experience?
IN: We have learnt that coalition arrangements are a significant issue in our political system. We struggle to reach a consensus or work harmoniously towards a common goal. But I must also say, that I’m proud of our efforts in other towns like Lüderitz and Walvis Bay, where we have worked well together with parties like LPM and PDM. In Windhoek, however, the underlying evil of corruption has continued. The managers in charge of operations have made sure they remain in control, often keeping political leaders in their pockets. It’s a big problem.
Coalition politics is one problem. We simply can’t collaborate on progressive initiatives. Secondly, the city needs a reset. There should be more involvement from the national level —the President, and the Prime Minister – because this is not just any city, it it the country’s capital. It lacks innovation, pragmatic leadership, and forward-thinking solutions. Look at the residential areas — there are no green spaces, and no playgrounds for children. Even basic infrastructure like pedestrian walkways is missing in many areas.
LJ: Are you saying the city is not keeping up with the needs of its people?
IN: Exactly. If you go to some areas, you see wide roads with no sidewalks, and in other places, it’s just chaos. There is no proper urban planning done. And there’s no vision for expanding the city. We should be planning for a new, vibrant city built by a free and independent people. Instead, we just carry on with what we inherited, with no effort to centralise or streamline services. There are so many issues. For instance, it takes forever to get basic things like fitness certificates or building plan approvals unless you are willing to pay someone under the table. And it’s not just corruption — it’s about a failure to engage with the business community and understand their challenges.
LJ: So how do you propose fixing these problems?
IN: We need to start by reforming the way we select city councillors. Right now, there are no real criteria for choosing leaders who understand how a city works — whether it’s town planning, budgeting, or development. We need leaders with expertise in those areas, not just politically connected individuals. The state needs to step in and help reset this city’s direction, or we’ll remain stuck in the past.
LJ: Let’s switch gears. You’ve worked closely with Dr Panduleni Itula. Some people have labelled him a dictator. What’s your response to that?
IN: (Laughs) You know, I wish from the beginning the ruling party had imposed people like Dr Dula to run this country’s affairs. He’s a perfectionist. If you want to sell him an idea, you have to do your homework first. You cannot come to him with emotions or partisan rhetoric. He’s objective and expects others to be the same.
LJ: So why do some people call him a dictator?
IN: It’s because they don’t like his straightforwardness. He doesn’t sugarcoat things or play the fake diplomacy game. He’s clear in his expectations, and he’s no-nonsense. Some people are just not used to that. In politics, we often see this culture of pretending everything is okay, even when it’s not. But with Dr Itula, there’s no room for that. He’s well-informed, disciplined, and expects proof before making any conclusions. I’ve learnt a lot from him, especially about managing emotions and staying objective.
Recently, I released a press statement and forgot to include Vice-President Netumbo Nandi Ndaitwah’s title. Dr Itula quickly pointed it out to me, saying we must always refer to constitutional titles, regardless of political affiliation. He is precise and values respect for roles and systems. Some people see that as authoritarian, but it’s just about doing things properly. Over time, I think people will come to appreciate his approach and realize they delayed their progress by resisting it.
LJ: You were once considered one of the prominent figures in the Swapo Youth League, but then you left. What prompted your departure, and why did you choose to join IPC?
IN: To be honest, I’m different. I’m unique in my own right. I love being frank and honest. I pray every day. I might not go to church all the time, but I have a close relationship with my creator. I always ask for guidance in everything I do. As for why I didn’t stay with Swapo, it was simply because I was too honest for that space. I’ve been advocating issues that I truly believe were wrong, but many didn’t understand me. For example, I’ve often questioned why, in the northern regions of this country, we never see a political decision that includes people from outside those regions being given leadership roles, such as mayors or councillors. There are Nama-speaking people and people of different colour who have lived in these regions for a long time, yet they are never considered for these positions. Why not engage these individuals and prepare them for leadership? I’ve always raised these concerns, but no one seemed to listen.
Additionally, I’ve had a problem with the political demarcation of the country into 14 regions. It feels like a continuation of the apartheid homeland system. If you look at the north, Oshiwambo speaking people have their regions, Otjiherero speakers have theirs, and so on. But some of us are stuck sharing regions with multiple groups, and it’s not fostering national unity. We’re supposed to be building a nation, but there are tribal divisions even within institutions like NBC, where every ethnic group has its radio station and studio. Why can’t we share resources and time slots as part of nation-building?
Instead, we perpetuate these fake diplomatic niceties and avoid addressing the real issues. People pretend everything is fine when it’s not, and that’s part of why Swapo is where it is today. In 2013, I was a production manager at Namibian Sun when I received two calls from senior ministers and a deputy. They summoned me to State House because of an oil discovery by Cheetah Oil. But I wasn’t even a Cabinet member; I was only part of the national executive of the Youth League. I was shocked by the whole situation.
What frustrated me further was seeing a state car being used for personal matters during a manifesto launch. There was a complete lack of respect for state resources. Speaking out against this and other issues got me punished, and we were even forced to apologize for telling the truth. Senior leaders lied about why we were summoned, claiming it was to discipline us, but it was clear they were beginning the process to expel us. We attended meetings at Swapo headquarters, where we were accused of being undisciplined, though no one could explain what we had done wrong.
I have a deep respect for the late Theo Ben Gurirab who stood by us and questioned what we had done wrong. He was a brilliant man, and I didn’t even wear political colours when I went to his funeral because he was so much more than just a party figure. But the truth is, corruption, tribalism, and the culture of giving jobs to comrades destroyed our sense of unity. Swapo became a group catering to a select few, and many of us were left out. In 2013, I completely withdrew from participating in politics. I didn’t even attend the rallies or campaigns for the 2014 elections. However, growing up with elders, I learnt to be respectful and true to myself.
I couldn’t continue pretending to fit in, and that’s why I left. Over time, I’ve realized the importance of speaking my truth. I enjoyed the leadership of Helmut Angula because he was action-oriented, but when tribalism started creeping in, things changed. People forget we are one people, regardless of the region we live in. The founding president included everyone in the system, but later, it became about one group. Even though I helped design some of AR’s materials, like the logo and the book for their land agenda, I couldn’t join them because my interest was only in addressing the land issue, not in any other shenanigans.
LJ: You’re a son-in-law of the Swapo presidential candidate Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah. How do you manage family dynamics, considering your different political affiliations?
IN: Family is family, and politics is politics. They each have their limits, and I keep them separate. We have a good relationship. When she was elected vice president, I congratulated her. We still spend time with the family, and there’s no animosity. After all, she went to the liberation struggle to fight for democracy, freedom, and justice, which gives us the right to participate in politics today. However, I have a problem with the new Swapo, and I can’t apologize for that. But as a family, we are still united.
At the end of the day, on our IDs, we’re all Namibians. Swapo and IPC are just political affiliations. There’s no issue there, and we maintain mutual respect. The family dynamic remains intact despite any political differences, and when there’s time, I take the grandchildren to visit. Politics might come up in conversation, but there’s no hostility. The issue lies with certain rogue individuals in Swapo who refuse to accept that the world is changing.
LJ: Voter apathy is a significant concern. What would you say to encourage Namibians to go out and vote?
IN: The ruling party leaders contributed to voter apathy by detaching themselves from the people. Leaders have turned themselves into masters instead of servants. They don’t engage with the public or address their problems, and that has caused people to lose hope. Politics should not be an elite club; it’s about serving the people. Many Namibians feel isolated, believing their issues don’t matter to politicians. But through the work we’ve been doing, we see people starting to regain hope. Many registered to vote, which shows they’re ready to give this process a second chance. We need to engage with our neighbours, co-workers, and communities to spread the message of hope and the need for change.